Bridging Appalachia

Reidar Christiansen defines fairy faith as a “complex of beliefs connected with the existence on earth of another race side by side with man but normally invisible to him” (1971-1973, 95).  In an Irish context, this native vernacular religious system encompasses not only belief in unseen supernatural beings, like fairies and ghosts, but also uncanny powers endowed upon humans and sacred places.  This unofficial system of belief is established by the people in response to the natural world and exists within communities and minds parallel to official religion, regardless of contradictions.  The rich cosmology of Irish fairy faith is supported by folk narratives and may be reinforced by ritual actions in an attempt to appease or avoid offending these unpredictable entities. 

Unearthly scapegoats function to rationalise uncertainty and shift blame from neighbours to preserve community cohesion.  Related narratives disclose societal norms and values to encourage safe and acceptable behaviour.  According to Narváez, “folkloric mechanisms…erect…and maint[ain]…spatial and temporal boundaries,” including gendered standards, which create “cognitive maps of community…[or] demarcated geographical areas of purity, liminality and danger” (1997, 336-7).  These delineations are reflected in the ambivalent nature of Blackthorn,[1] a plant of both protection and danger that is closely related to fairy faith and frequently depicts the threshold between known/safe and unknown/dangerous space.  Dichotomous relationships with Blackthorn characterise negotiations with the landscape and both natural and supernatural uncertainty.

Fairies (sidhe) or more cautiously the “good people” are beings of a capricious nature that are intimately tied to the Irish landscape.  They can take many forms and are believed to comprise mythic ancestors, the more recent dead, fallen angels and other numinous entities.  Their marks on the landscape are remembered by dindsenchas, name origins and legends that attach folk beliefs to place.  These tales are common in reference to ringforts (lios/rath), Bronze Age earthen fortifications that dot the Irish landscape and are closely associated with forbidden areas populated by the sidhe.  These precarious regions are frequently marked by known fairy trees – Blackthorn and Hawthorn (NFC S 407D: 10_024).  Narratives surrounding ringforts and other dwelling places of the “good people” provide warnings against trespass or desecration.  A series of accounts from County Kilkenny display the hazards of building a house across a fairy path or interfering with Blackthorn near a lios.  A home foundation built across a fairy pathway in Lough Solus collapsed each night before relocation was deemed necessary by a local priest and an angry fairy appeared to a man cutting Blackthorn near a lios in Shortalstown, giving him quite a fright (NFC S 858B: 04_047-049).  Other stories refer to mortal penalties for interference, though right relationship with the land and the sidhe could result in gifts, highlighting the fickle nature of the fae while encouraging respect for the landscape and its liminal boundaries.  Tom Moloney of County Limerick cut a Blackthorn stick from a rath in Bilboa before suffering lameness and death.  The account of his misfortune says that he “got a Féirín” (NFC S 519: 17).  A féirín, would generally refer to a gift from god, but in this instance, the word seems to act as a curse (“Féirín” 2013-2024).  This conflicting word usage speaks to the dystheistic character of fairies as forces of nature, neither good nor evil.  Another man in County Limerick joined the sidhe in song and was gifted a straight spine (NFC S 519: 17).  His aural gift revealed respect and communion with the Otherworld to his benefit.

Fairy associations with the ancient and recently deceased are demonstrated through narratives that also include Blackthorn.  An account from County Limerick describes a lios near a graveyard, where fae and ghosts are differentiated, but both are seen passing between the sites.  In the same lios, a particularly large Blackthorn bush is attributed to the grave of a soldier buried with his blackthorn stick (NFC S 514: 197-198). This natural marker emphasises a vernacular relationship with Blackthorn as a tool of resistance, which protects an ally even in the Otherworld.  A story from County Offaly tells of a poor woman who was tormented by seven ghosts.  The spirits are seeking worldly goods, but although she gives them what little she has, they bust up the house with blackthorn sticks and are only overcome by a priest’s mass (NFC S 812: 053-55).  The spirits in this narrative may represent landlords or tax collectors, who can be spoken about more openly by reallocating liability to inimical beings.  Although Blackthorn is used against the woman in this tale, other yarns show the thorny plant as a weapon against the supernatural.  A man in County Cork was accosted “by a ghost in the form of a red-haired woman” (NFC S 277: 336).  After fending her off with a blackthorn stick and propelled by fright, he escaped by jumping across a river, another supernatural deterrent found in the landscape (NFC S 277: 336-7).  Both graveyards and raths are labelled as marginal spaces, which are temporally and spatially disparate from everyday areas (Narváez 1997).  This demarcation protects the community from potential danger, yet Otherworldly influences can be harnessed for protection when approached with respect.

Women living in marginal areas or who exist outside of societal norms in some way may be branded as witches, often appearing in the form of a hare to suckle butter-making properties from a neighbour’s cows.  Blackthorn is frequently seen to defend against this magic (Dhuibhne 1993).  An archival narrative from County Leitrim depicts a farmer defending his cows by throwing a blackthorn stick at a thieving hare, breaking her leg.  The next morning, he heard that a suspected witch from a neighbouring village was nursing a broken leg (NFC S 226: 466-67).  This tale type (ML 3055/MLSIT 3056) is found across the north and midlands of Ireland from the 16th to 20th centuries and emphasises the importance of gendered dairy production for domestic economy, while sanctioning women, who threatened specified gender roles by living alone, having no children and/or refusing to perform femininity as dictated by society (Jenkins 1997; Kimpton 1993).

One butter witch legend from County Kerry features a Cailleach, who beats cats with a blackthorn stick and uses their blood for her medicines.  “[H]er use of the stick can be read as a queer-code and/or gender appropriation in the service of defying social norms,” which along with her abusive behaviour, sets her up for retribution (Sellner 2023, 7; Radner & Lanser 1987).  In this inverted tale, the witch, in the form of a hare, pursues a hunter in hopes of finding protection.  She ultimately scares him away before succumbing to the jaws and claws of feline revenge (NFC S 456: 458).  May day marks a transitional period when reinforcement of boundaries is vital.  Cautionary tales abound at this time to remind households to protect their domestic abundance.  In one comical account from County Cork, a farmer instructs a young boy to guard the cows in the barn and attack anyone who enters with a blackthorn stick.  True to his agreement, the boy knocks the farmer unconscious when he returns to check on him – another demonstration of the dichotomous nature of Blackthorn (NFC S 357: 258-59).

In County Sligo, a man who was known for late evenings at the pub had several run ins with potential witches as he walked home.  One midnight, he saw a hare pass before him seven times.  His legs grew heavy and he collapsed in the road.  In another instance, “he found himself riding a soft animal” that ran him back and forth by a Blackthorn bush until his clothes were in tatters” (NFC S 168: 295-96).  These encounters with the Otherworld allow for oblique social criticism of the fellow’s drinking and gambling, while emphasising the negative consequences to maintain status quo.  The sharp thorns of the Blackthorn bush simultaneously protect his reputation and chastise his behaviour.

Just as the witch represents improper femme behaviour and threats to patriarchal systems of power, another folkloric figure, the priest, epitomises ideal masculine performance and community order.  Although the priest is not a supernatural figure, he is often imbued with Otherworldly power by way of oppression and contrast.  Complex histories of social and economic division put the Catholic priest in antagonistic relationships with both the Devil and Protestant landlords, his underdog status fuelling his heroism in vernacular narrative.  This strength and implied spiritual superiority could be transferred to his possessions, including a blackthorn stick (Nuttall 1998).  A narrative from County Tipperary describes a priest fleeing from soldiers after performing an illegal mass.  He uses his blackthorn stick to propel himself across a river.  Although the stick breaks, the priest escapes and roses grow over the broken end of his staff (NFC S 560: 321).  In another account from Penal Times, a healing well with a Blackthorn tree springs up from where a priest was slain by priest hunters.  The holy man’s sacrifice is transformed into a cure for sore eyes, which is obtained through ritual action with the well and tree (NFC S 442: 221).  In both of these stories, the priest is instilled with superhuman abilities through his interactions with Blackthorn as he embodies resistance on behalf of his persecuted community.

Tale-type ATU 563—The Table, the Ass and the Stick—is delineated by the Aarne/Thompson/Uther Index as an international folktale where a man receives a series of magical objects from a supernatural being.  The first two objects are swindled from the man due to misplaced trust and/or failure to follow directions and the third object is a stick, which attacks upon command and ultimately gains retribution for the bamboozled protagonist (Uther 2011).  The nature of this stick or cudgel is not always defined, but it is often identified as a blackthorn stick in Irish variants.  In these narratives, the disenfranchised heroes receive aid and agency from the Otherworld in cooperation with the landscape to stand up against injustice in the form of landlords, bailiffs, kings and selfish community members.  In some cases, this supernatural intervention allows for upward social and economic mobility (NFC 0080: 144-157; NFC 286: 589-612; NFC 310: 112-120; NFC 555: 034-043; NFC 557: 022-029).  In one variant from Inis Bó Finne, County Donegal, the central character defines his bravery with a blackthorn stick before receiving any magical objects.  He battles against two ghosts in defence of a third ghost with no head (NFC 270: 706-722).  This behaviour demonstrates Shillelagh Law, “an honourable code of behaviour that promoted an emic view of fighting as a proud demonstration of skill and fairness…[and] insisted on support for the underdog” (Sellner 2024, 6).  These tales emphasise the role of Blackthorn as a tool of resistance in the face of oppression and reinforce the margins of appropriate community behaviour.

In cooperation with fairy faith, Blackthorn creates temporal and spatial boundaries through a dichotomy of danger and protection, which can be channelled to maintain community cohesion and promote structural defiance.  Blackthorn as a weapon of or against the Otherworld provides coded cover for instructive narratives, while scapegoating parallel beings for intra- and extra-community harms.  The ambivalent nature of Blackthorn is uniquely situated to engage with complex issues that are difficult to speak about openly and continued interaction with this thorny plant can inform relationships to contemporary problems.

Bibliography

Christiansen, Reidar Th. 1971. “Some Notes on the Fairies and the Fairy Faith.” Béaloideas 39/41:95–111. https://doi.org/10.2307/20521348.

Dhuibhne, D. 1993. “‘The Old Woman as Hare’: Structure and Meaning in an Irish Legend.” Folklore (London) 104 (1–2): 77–85. https://doi.org/10.1080/0015587X.1993.9715855.

“Féirín – Translation to Irish Gaelic with Audio Pronunciation of Translations for Féirín by New English-Irish Dictionary.” 2013-2024. Accessed August 15, 2024. https://www.focloir.ie/en/dictionary/ei/f%C3%A9ir%C3%ADn.

Jenkins, Richard. 1997. “Witches and Fairies: Supernatural Aggression and Deviance Among the Irish Peasantry.” In The Good People: New Fairylore Essays, edited by Peter Narváez, 302–30. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. https://go.exlibris.link/84s9LMXt.

Kimpton, Bettina N. 1993. “‘Blow the House down’: Coding, the Banshee, and Woman’s Place.” Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium 13 (Journal Article): 39–48. https://www-jstor-org.ucd.idm.oclc.org/stable/20557254.

Narváez, Peter. 1997. “Newfoundland Berry Pickers ‘In the Fairies’: Maintaining Spatial, Temporal, and Moral Boundaries Through Legendry.” In The Good People: New Fairylore Essays, edited by Peter Narváez, 336–61. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. https://go.exlibris.link/84s9LMXt.

National Folklore Collection (henceforth NFC) 0080: 144-157. Kathleen Carthy from James Carthy, County Longford. Collector: Pádraig Mac Gréine, 1930.

NFC 270: 706-722. Dómhnall Ó Baoghaill, County Donegal. Collector: Seán Ó hEochaidh, 1937.

NFC 286: 589-612. George Fitzgerald, County Kerry. Collector: Donnchadh Ó Dubháin, 1936.

NFC 310: 112-120. James Watters, County Donegal. Collector: Seán Ó hEochaidh, 1937.

NFC 555: 034-043. Mrs. Breheny, County Sligo. Collector: Bríd Ní Ghamhnáin, 1938.

NFC 557: 022-029. Eamon Mac Gearailt, County Wexford. Collector: Tomás Ó Ciardha, 1938.

NFC S 168: 295-96. John Furey (57), farmer, County Sligo. Collector: Thomas Battle, Cill Ruis Íochtair Scoil, County Sligo, 1938. Teacher: Toirdhealbhach Ó Catháin.

NFC S 226: 466-67. Peter Flynn, County Leitrim. Collector: Gortahose School, County Leitrim, 1934-38. Teacher: F. Mag Shamhráin.

NFC S 277: 336-7.  Concubar O Néill (65), County Cork. Collector: Pádraig O Néill, An Chathair Gharbh Scoil, 1937-38. Teacher: Criostóir Ó Dubhghaill.

NFC S 357: 258-59. Patrick Stapleton (60), County Cork. Collector: Michael John Stapleton, Cnoc na Groighe Scoil, County Cork. Teacher: Diarmuid Ó Muimhneacháin.

NFC S 407D: 10_024. Patrick Mc Evoy, County Kerry. Collector: Cáit Nic Giolla Bhuidhe, Cill Cruim Scoil, County Kerry. Teacher: Micheál Óg Ó Catháin.

NFC S 442: 221. Thomas Healy (85), County Kerry. Collector: Listellick School, County Kerry. Teacher: Domhnall Ó Súilleabháin.

NFC S 456: 458. Dan O’ Donoghue, County Kerry. Collector: Ráithín Scoil, County Kerry, 1937-1939. Teacher: Diarmuid Ua Cróinín.

NFC S 514: 197-198. Collector: Hannah Kiely, Coill Beithne Scoil, County Limerick.

NFC S 519: 17. Laurence Hogan, County Limerick. Collector: Bilboa School, County Limerick, 1937. Teacher: Seán Ó Heidhin.

NFC S 560: 321. Mr Magner, County Tipperary. Collector: Anne Magner, Mullinahone School, County Tipperary, 1938. Teacher: Máire Ní Shéaghdha.

NFC S 812: 053-55. Charley Mannion (60), County Offaly. Collector: Lilly Mannion, Clonmacnoise School. Teacher: P. Ó Maolmhuaidh.

NFC S 858B: 04_047-049. Mr Edward Long (69), County Kilkenny. Collector: Brigid Ní Longáin, Newtown, Kells School, County Kilkenny, 1938.

Nuttall, Deirdre. 1998. “Witch and Priest Juxtaposed: Two Figures from Irish Traditional Narratives.” Folklore (Tartu, Estonia) 09: 17-33. https://doi.org/10.7592/fejf1998.09.witch.

Radner, Joan N., and Susan S. Lanser. 1987. “The Feminist Voice: Strategies of Coding in Folklore and Literature.” The Journal of American Folklore 100 (398): 412–25. https://doi.org/10.2307/540901.

Sellner, Jess Erin. 2023. “Old Woman As Hare: Approaches to Narrative Folklore Analysis.” Unpublished paper, School of Irish, Celtic Studies and Folklore, University College Dublin. https://mendingroots.com/2023/12/06/old-woman-as-hare-approaches-to-narrative-folklore-analysis/.

Sellner, Jess Erin. 2024. “Object in Action: Blackthorn Shillelagh.” Unpublished paper, School of Irish, Celtic Studies and Folklore, University College Dublin. https://mendingroots.com/2024/08/01/shillelagh-blackthorn-in-action/.

Uther, Hans-Jörg. 2011. The Types of International Folktales: A Classification and Bibliography, Based on the System of Antti Aarne and Stith Thompson. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, Academia Scientiarum Fennica.

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[1] Blackthorn is capitalized when referencing the animate plant-being, as contrasted with the inanimate stick.